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Sunday, 30 June 2013

Origon Pukhtun

Welcome/Staray Mashay to Pakhtun


Here you will also find a collection of articles about the Pakhtuns regarding their origins, history, culture and traditions known as the Pashtuns/Pashtoons or Pathans, are also known as Pakhtuns or Pukhtuns where they live.


Native Pakhtun Areas

The main idea for Pakhtun.com is to introduce to the world this great nation currently under siege of religious fanatics. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns (for people having difficulty pronouncing the harsh kh' sound similar to the hebrew ch from the base of the throat), are also Afghans. The Pashtun (Afghan) are native to the red shaded area of the map to the right. As you can see the Pakhtuns can be found in and originate from Afghanistan to present day north western Pakistan. In Pakistan they live mostly in the province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa or Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa formally known as the North West Frontier Province. As the world has become smaller the Pukhtuns have moved out and are found to be scattered through out India and other parts of the world.

Here you will also find a collection of articles regarding the history, culture, traditions and origins of Pakhtuns/Pashtuns/Pushtuns/Afghans. As the deeply engraved tradition (code known as Pakhtunwali/Pakhtoonwali) of hospitality in our culture of Pakhtuns dictates, you are most welcomed and always invited to join us in our web forum "da Pukhtano Majlas."



About Pakhtuns Pashtuns or Afghans

The section About Pakhtuns is not only dedicated to the past with articles regarding origins, history, traditions and culture of the Pakhtuns, Pashtuns or Afghans but also with articles regarding current events shaping the world of Pakhtuns today.

Feel free to contribute your articles for which we are always grateful but also take time to read and comment on existing contributions. We have a wide collection of articles and would request you to share your opinions with us. You can also post to an article by leaving comments(which must be verified by you, by accepting a confirmation email sent to your mail box) or comment on already existing comments.

If you would like to share with us and the world any article you may have written please use the Contact Us page for instructions on how to send them to us .

Of course you are encouraged to join our webform "da Pukhtano Majlas" and start topics and discuss what is already there.
Web Forum "da Pukhtano Majlas"

Pakhtun.com and its web forums "da Pukhtano Majlas" are meant for those Pakhtuns and friends of Pakhtuns (aka Afghans) who are desirous to reform the Pashtun society and want to contribute to bring positive changes in Pashtun society.

Our goal is concentrating on Pashtun Society, Pashtun Community and Pashtun individuals whether he/she is citizen of Afghanistan, Pakistan, UAE, USA, UK, Europe, Africa, Australia, India or any other country of Asia to educate them, to reform them and to make them role models for other people of the world. We will remind Pashtuns of their great past and to rebuild their present and future as a great race, people, nation and society of the world.

Our approach is self reformation, education, change, development, realism inspired from idealism, pragmatism and not blaming other agencies, agents, countries, people, forces and persons for our own pitfalls.

All Pakhtuns and non Pashtuns friends through out the world are requested to join us whole heartedly in a positive and constructive way so that we can bring the desirable change in Pakhtun society, to rescue Pakhtuns of the quagmire of they have fallen nowadays and to make them once again among the greatest people of the world.


The Code of Pashtunwali



The Code of Pashtunwali


Pashtunwali is an unwritten law and ideology of the Pashtun society inherited from their forefathers. It is a dominant force of Pashtun culture and identity. Pashtunwali is conservative, oligarchic, centuries old but still a young phenomenon in the Pashtun culture and socio-economic structure.[citation needed]

It has been able to maintain a powerful dialectical balance of the Pashtun society. Pashtunwali, a complement of the Pashtun society, has undergone various legal, political, economic and cultural changes for its perfection and reform. It has developed into an accepted constitution.[citation needed]

Pashtunwali consists of qualifications such as Khpelwaki (self authority), Sialy (Equality), Jirga (Assembly), "Mishertob'( Elders) 'Ezaat" (Respect of all people) Roogha (reconciliation or compromise), Badal (revenge), Barabari (equivalence), Teega/Nerkh (Law), Aziz/Azizwale (clan, clanship), Terbor/Terborwali (cousin and tribal rivalries), Nang (Honour), Ghairat (Pride), Oogha Warkawel (giving a lift to persons in need), Pannah Warkawel (offering asylum), Ashar (shared co-operative work), Zhamena (commitment), Melayter (patrons), Chegha (call for action), Soolah (truce), Panah (protection) and others.[citation needed]

Pashtunwali is a oligarchic structure emphasizing of Jirga, Sialy and Barabary. It is a defensive system in terms of Jirga, Chegha and Arbakai (system of village militias). It is a legal system in terms of Jirga, Teega/Nerkh, Pannah and Roogha. This system has managed all social and internal affairs of the Pashtun/Pakhtun society before and after Islam. It has created small and large local governments in Central and South Asia.[citation needed]

Pashtunwali is the sum of the collective expectations of the group from its members to conform to the norms and customs that ensure the group's survival as a distinct socio-cultural entity. There are no state institutions to ensure the implementation of this unwritten code of life but Pashtun members of the society internalize these social norms to such an extent that they directly become a matter of one’s conscience rather than an executive order of a authority.[citation needed]

Pashtunwali is based on the collective wisdom of its people. It does not spring from one authority, temporal or divine, and is, therefore, open to debate and re-interpretation according to the needs of the society and the changing times. Although it is rigid in constitution because of historical reasons, in its social philosophy, Pashtunwali is cosmopolitan, egalitarian and oligarchic. Hence, it has been able to absorb waves of outsiders in Pashtun society.[citation needed]

Pashtunwali embodies all the principles of a self-sufficient social group. Its two principles of Siali (Competition) and Mailmastia (Hospitality) embody two social principles that ensure a society’s progress through competition; and survival through co-operation. The elements of conflict and co-operation are evenly balanced in the make-up of Pashtunwali. Concepts like Nang (honour), Siali (competition) and Badal (retribution) are open to interpretation as the social needs and the collective perception of the group change with regard to objective realities in the space-time continuum.
The Codes
Faith - trust in God (known as "Allah" in Arabic and "Khudai" or "Sekhtan" in Pashto). The notion of trusting in the one creator generally comports to Islamic monotheism and tawheed.

Behavior - Pashtuns must behave respectfully towards all creations including people, animals and plants.

Unity - above the languages they speak, above the blood they keep, above the amount of money they make, Pashtunwali keeps them in due bounds with all fellow Pashtuns and humankind as well as God. Pashtunwali unites the Pashtuns as one people across the world. Where there is true unity, every effort to disunite them will only serve to strengthen the unity they have. What happens to one - happens to all.

Equality - every man is equal within the tribe. It is this concept which has necessitated the development of a Jirga system, whereby decision making takes place with the participation of all members of the society or tribes. Every man wants a say in his future and he will fight for his right to have his opinions heard. All people must therefore deal with each other, with the proper civility or respect and no one can try to impose their will on to another.

Freedom and independence - the belief that freedom in physical, mental, religious, spiritual, political and economic realms is for all to pursue, man and woman, so long as it is done without bringing harm to others. The free have nothing to gain of freedom without discipline.

Proselytizing

- No individual has the right to place demand upon others who are not their children regarding what to believe.

Hospitality and sanctuary - Being hospitable to all mankind, especially to guests, even the most hostile of enemies may (if asked for) be provided sanctuary, asylum or protection as well as food and other aid.

Justice and forgiveness - If one intentionally wrongs another, the victim has the right, even an obligation, to avenge this injustice in equal proportion. If one has intentionally wronged you, and you did not seek justice nor did the wrongdoer ask you for his/her forgiveness, then a debt, is owed to you by him/her, which can only be fulfilled once justice (through an act of revenge or the decision of the tribal Jirga) has been provided to recompense the wrong done.

Brotherhood and trust

- the belief that fellow Pashtun brothers or sisters should be trusted and assisted to the greatest extent possible.

Honour

- Pashtuns must maintain their independence and human dignity. Honour has great importance in Pushtun society and most other edicts and codes of life are aimed towards the preservation of one's honour or pride.

Self respect - Individuals must respect themselves and others in order to be able to do so, especially those they do not know. Respect begins at home, among family members and includes all relatives.

Compassion and cooperation - The poor, the weak, and the challenged must be supported. Inclusion must be preferred to exclusion. To defend against tyranny, fascism and overzealous groups and to work smart first and then hard.

Family - The family must be glorified under a sacred conviction of responsibility and duty with respect for wives, daughters, elders, parents, sons, and husbands.

We are one family - Fellow Pashtun must be cared for. There may be hundreds of tribes, but they have one destiny in union with each other.

Knowledge -

Pashtuns seek objective knowledge in life, art, science, and culture, which are considered fruits granted by God.

Pashtun history

- Great value is placed in Pashtun history, with all its depth and pluralism, tragedies and victories. It teaches Pashtuns "to keep the mind open, to continue the search for the truth, much of which has vanished under history itself".

Fight evil - Evil is at constant war with good. Evil must be fought and good must prevail over evil. It is a Pashtun's duty to fight evil when he/she comes face to face with it.

Honesty and Promise - A pashtun is known for keeping their promises and being honest at all situations and times. A true Pashtun will never break their promise.

Hospitilaty- Pashtuns treat all guests and people who enter their houses with great respect and always go by one saying. "Mailma de khuday milgaray day" ( A guest is god's friend...) So making guests happy is making god happy.

Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds - A Pashtun always strive towards thinking good thoughts, speaking good words and doing good deeds.[citation needed]
Primary Concepts of Pakhtunwali

Some useful words that signify individual or collective Pashtun tribal functions are given below in Pushto language. The first four form the major components of Pashtunwali.
Melmastia (hospitality) - to show hospitality to all visitors, regardless of whom they are, their ethnic, religious, or national background, without hope of remuneration or favor. Pushtuns are widely considered to be the most hospitable people in the world, a pushtun will go to great extents to show his hospitality, so much so, that in very many recorded cases it has been observed that a pushtun has even provided his deadly enemy with sanctuary when he was asked for sanctuary by his rival. But in return, those guests who are accorded this are expected to do the same for their host.
Badal (justice/revenge) - to seek justice over time or over space to avenge a wrong. This applies to injustices committed yesterday or 1000 years ago if the wrongdoer still exists. Justice in Pashtun lore needs elaborating: even a mere taunt (or "Paighor") is regarded as an insult - which can only usually be redressed by shedding of the taunter's blood (and if he isn't available, then his next closest male relation). This in turn leads to a blood feud that can last generations and involve whole tribes with the loss of hundreds of lives. Normally blood feuds in this all male dominated setup are then settled in a number of ways.
Nanawateh (asylum) - derived from the verb meaning to go in, this is used for protection given to a person who requests protection against his/her enemies. The person is protected at all costs. It can also be used when the vanquished party is prepared to go in to the house of the victors and ask for their forgiveness. (Is a peculiar form of "chivalrous" surrender, in which an enemy seeks "sanctuary" at his enemies house).
Zmeka (land) - A Pashtun must defend his land/property from incursions wherever he or she might reside.
Nang (honour) - the various points below that a tribesman must observe to ensure his honor, and that of his family, is upheld. The preservation of honour entails the defence of one's family and one's independence, while upholding cultural and religious requirements.
Namus (Honor of women) - A Pushtun must defend the honor of Pashtun women at all costs and must protect them from vocal and physical harm.
Hewad (nation) - Love for one's nation in Pashtun culture isn't just important, it's essential. A Pashtun is always indebted to their nation and must strive to perfect and improve it. A Pushtun considers it his obligation to defend his country Pakhtara ("Pakhtun-khwa" in modern colloquial Pashto) against any type of foreign incursion. Defence of nation means defence of honor, values, culture, tradition, countrymen and self.
Dod-pasbani (Protecting Pashtun culture) - It is obligatory for a Pashtun to protect Pashtun culture from dilution and disintegration. Pashtunwali advises that in order to successfully accomplish this, a Pashtun must retain the Pashto language since Pashto is the prime source of Pashtun culture and its understanding is therefore essential. Not being able to speak Pashto to Pashtun society often translates to the inability to understand the Pashtun culture, values, history and community.
Tokhm-pasbani (Protecting the Pashtun race) - Pashtuns with their distinct Aryanic features are often immediately recognizable. Pashtuns must take another Pashtun as a marriage partner. This stems from the general belief that 'half-Pashtuns' do not retain Pashtun language, culture, and physical features.
De Pashtunwali Perawano (Adhering to Pashtunwali) - In order to keep one's descendants from becoming "durvand" (Non-Pashtuns), a Pashtun must adhere to the Pashtunwali principles of culture, kin and pedigree. Those who do not will ultimately face revulsion and expulsion from Pashtun society.
Secondary Concepts of Pakhtunwali
Lashkar - the tribal army. It implements the decisions of the jirga.
Jirga or Loya Jurga - an assembly of tribal elders called for various purposes whether waging war or composing peace, tribal or inter-tribal.
Tsalweshti (???????) - derived from the word for forty, this refers to the tribal force that would implement the decision of a jirga. Every fortieth man of the tribe would be a member. A shalgoon is a force derived from the number twenty.
Badragga - a tribal escort composed of members of that tribe through which the travelers are passing. If a badragga is violated a tribal feud will follow.
Hamsaya - a non-Pashtun dependent group who attaches themselves to a Pashtun group, usually for protection. The Pashtun protector group is called a naik. Any attack on a hamsaya is considered an attack on the protector.
Mlatar (?????) - literally, tying the back or "support". This refers to those members of the tribe who will actually fight on behalf of their leaders.
Nagha - a tribal fine decided by the council of elders and imposed upon the wrongdoer.
Rogha - settlement of a dispute between warring factions.
Hujra - a common sitting or sleeping place for males in the village. Visitors and unmarried young men sleep in the hujra.
Lokhay Warkawal - Literally means 'giving of pot'. The idea that the tribe will do everything to protect an individual from an enemy.

Badar Munir

Badar Munir

 
Badar Munir was born in a small village Shagram in Madyan, Swat in 1942. His father Maulvi Yaqoot Khan was an Imam (prayer leader) of the village mosque. He hailed from the Mian Khel tribe of Pakhtuns. Being from a poor family, he was sent of to Karachi when he grew up. He started earning livelihood as a rickshaw driver.

At that time Karachi, like Lahore had plenty of movie studios. Badar Munir got his first taste of movies when he was appointed as a lightsman in a movie studio of Wahid Murad, the popularly called "chocolaty hero" of Pakistan. He developed good relations with everybody in the studio and was liked by many. Time went by. A notable Pakhto poet Ali Haider Joshi started with a Pakhto movie for which he had already written a story. It was based on the famous Pakhto folk story of Yusuf Khan and Sherbano. Work started on the movie in 1970 when Ali Haider selected the crew and cast for it. Aziz Tabassum was it's director. Badar Munir, as usual was selected as a lightsman. In an interview, Ali Haider recalled that he was not satisfied with the actor playing the role of Yusuf Khan and that he had noted that this lightsman would frequently give the hero guidance. He thought that if a lightsman can teach, he can certainly perform as well. So it was decided to give Badar Munir a chance. Everybody was taken by surprise. Badar Munir himself joked regarding this incidence in one of his interview. He mentioned that Ali Haider would always carry a pistol with himself and that initially he had refused to act in that role citing his family background, at which Ali Haider took out his pistol and threatened to kill him. He joked that he had no choice but to adopt a career as an artist.

Yusuf Khan Sherbano turned out to be a successful movie of its time. It was the first Pashto movie which saw the emergence of Badar Munir as a full fledged artist. Afterwards, he was cast in other successful movies notable of which are Adam Khan Durkhanai which was also based on a folk story, Orbal, Baghi, Didan, Kochwan, Mairnay Wror, Khana Badosh, Topak Zama Qanoon, Dehqan, and Naway da Yaway Shpay. All in all, Badar Munir got the credit of well over 750 movies under his belt. He became the Pashto film industry, an institution in himself. Of these 750, 85 were in Urdu, 31 in Punjabi, 11 in Sindhi, and 1 in Hindko. For any researcher studying about the Pashto movie industry, going through Badar Munir's personality would be unavoidable. Badar Munir served in the era where vulgarity had not creeped into Pashto movies. He preferred to sideline himself from the sleaze which had crept in due to the Islamization drive of General Zia-ul Haq which foresaw repression of cultural activities. The movie production business went underground and censor boards lost their role. Badar Munir was perturbed over this development but as a person he was helpless.

I was acquainted with Badar Munir only once in 1993 when by coincidence we were in the same flight en route to Moscow. In those days he was associated with Bari Studio's of Lahore. He was travelling in connection with shooting for a movie while I was going for my studies. When the flight took off from Karachi airport, I saw Badar Munir roaming around immediately after the seat-belt signs went off. He would meet every Pashtoon on board, and was happy that there were more Pashto speakers than Urdu ones on board the flight. The airhostess would repeatedly stop him from freely roaming around like this but he would refuse to comply and insisted that he be left alone to meet his fellow Pashtoons. Ultimately, we were all re-seated in one portion of the plane ... us around him. We started questioning him about his life and profession. I asked him that although Pashto movies are seen widely in Northern and Southern Pashtunkhwa, Afghanistan and the Middle East but why is that all the movie studios are based in Lahore? Shouldn't it be that one movie studio is established in Quetta, Peshawar, and Jalalabad? He answered that it was a problem that faced all Pashtoons, not just those associated with this business. He said that it is common for Pashtoons to head off to Lahore for the smallest possible essentials because some facilities or services are not available to us locally. Those who are associated with such professions whose sources can only be obtained in Lahore or Karachi ultimately settle in these cities for no choice of their own. He said that establishment of a movie studio is not the work of a single person, it requires a team of professionals, investors, and government patronage or at least an interest. Alas we are not in that position otherwise it would have been done long ago.

Badar Munir died at an age of 67 on 11th October 2008. He had suffered from stroke for four years and was brought to a hospital in Lahore after complaint of cardiac arrest. His funeral and burial was performed in Lahore as well. It is a sorry state that an artist of such calibre had never been given due coverage in radio, television, and print media which he truly deserved. It is common to see unknown female artists who have virtually nothing to their credit splashed across magazines and newspapers as a selling point. The media has never been fair in promoting deserving artists. However, Mian Farooq Faraq of Voice of America, who is also a journalist with Peshawar based Pashto newspaper Daily Wahdat, specially went to Lahore to report about the death of this legend. On the 11th of October, the radio suspended it's normal programs and made a special telecast on Badar Munir projecting his services for Pashto and Pashto culture.

Ali Haider Joshi

Ali Haider Joshi



INTELLECTUALS, poets and philosophers have a profound impact on literature and on people’s thinking. When they die, they continue to live on in the hearts of the masses. Their death marks a new phase in their life — their physical presence ends but their work keeps their name alive.

The legendary Pushto poet, Ali Haider Joshi, was one such personality who died on January 6 after a prolonged illness and was buried in Ismalia (Swabi). He was 90. The poet and artists community has described his death a loss that will be felt for ever and the vacuum created with his demise may be very difficult to fill.

Born in 1914 in Ismalia, 10-kilometres from the district headquarter in a poverty-stricken illiterate family where no one knew the importance of poetry and literature, Joshi was a poetic genius. He started writing poetry when he was just 12 years old. Though he received education up to the sixth class, he rendered verses extempore on any topic on any occasion. In a very short time he became very famous across the Pushto speaking areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan. All the Pushto vocalists considered it a pride to sing his lyrics.

Joshi has written 25 books. Among his works Diwan-i-Joshi and Yousaf Khan Sher Bano, a versified folk love story, become very popular. Some of his works had also been translated into English. Joshi took an active part in the freedom struggle against the British colonials and twice suffered imprisonment. He was fully committed to his cause and had the moral strength to suffer for it. However, after independence from the British he withdrew from politics, but continued to oppose the unequal distribution of wealth and advocated stability in the country. He was a beacon of light in the ocean of darkness for the oppressed and agonized souls waiting for the promised new dawn of life. Joshi had remained a fighter against injustice till the very end.

Joshi was the only Pushto poet who composed the famous folk story “Yousaf Khan Sher Bano” while producing the first-ever Pushto movie, which is still very popular in the Pakhtoon community. This movie was mostly filmed in Karamar Mountain (Yousaf Khan and Sher Bano lie buried on its peak) and other areas of the district where the real story occurred. “The versification of Yousaf Khan and Sher Bano’s love story became the cornerstone of his poetic career. “The credit of popularity of this wonderful Pushto folk story also goes to Joshi,” says Dr Raj Wali Shah Khattak, the director of Pushto Academy, University of Peshawar.

In recognition of his services and contribution to Pushto poetry and literature the government of Pakistan conferred on him the pride of performance in March 2001. He was also awarded the Fakhar-i-Mardan and Fakhar-i-Takhtbai awards in 2000.

Although a majority of Pushto poets have received recognition after their death, Joshi was lucky in that respect. He gained fame during his life time. Joshi occupies a special place among the Pushto poets. He was a master in extempore versification. Only a few brave souls could compete with his commanding idiomatic usage of Pushto language. Joshi was the most popular of the Pushto folk poets who used simple, fluent language of the masses, reflecting the genuine feelings and emotions of the Pakhtoon in a befitting manner. His biggest asset was that the common people understood the spirit of his poetry. His simplicity of expression made him a distinguished figure of the literary club that left a great influence on Pushto literature.

Joshi was in the front rank of those poets who popularized and gave a new attractive twist to Pushto songs. He emerged at a time when there were distinguished Pushto poets making a mark. He carved out a distinct niche for himself in the domain of Pushto literature with his well laced verses with a majestic poetic style.

His approach to life is simple. He exhorts the readers not to raise imposing structures in this mortal world which they have to leave. A roof that does not leak will suffice.

He thanks God that man would only enter heaven by virtue of his pious acts and wealth will not entitle man to heaven. Otherwise only the rich would have gone to paradise

Though greatly influenced by the gentle poetry of Rehman Baba and Khushal Khan Baba, Joshi developed a style of his own and injected new life into Pushto ghazal and folk poetry. Later many Pushto poets drew inspiration from his poetic talent.

A literary luminary like Joshi is born once in centuries and the vacuum created by his death will be very difficult to fill because his services to Pushto language and literature were inimitable. Joshi was the central spirit of every literary programme.

A sad chapter of his life came when Joshi was forced by circumstances to leave his ancestral village and shift along with his family to Takhtbai (Mardan) where he spent the last 23 years of his life. The reason was a family feud which even led to the death of a person. Once he departed from his ancestral home, Joshi never returned except in death only to undertake his eternal journey.

Qalandar Momand Baba

Qalandar Mohmand

Born as Sahibzada Habib-ur-Rehman and known as Qalandar Momand, this genius Pashtun writer, poet, critic, linguist, research scholar, play-writer, journalist, lexicographer, academician, the founder chairman of Peshawar Press Club, and great Pashtun died on Feb. 04, 2003, in Peshawar. The sad news of his demise reached us through an Urdu newspaper in Karachi which was profoundly felt in the literary circles, activities and discussions in every part of the world where Pashtuns resided.

He was born, according to his matriculation certificate, on September 01, 1930, and grew up in an era of great political activism and resistance against the British Raj as well as the revival of Pashtun nationalism. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan aka Bacha Khan, well-known as Fakhr-e-Afghan (Pride of the Afghans), had been making tireless efforts to educate his people through a reformist mission and later uniting them under The Servants of God Movement, popularly known as Khudai Khidmatgar Tehrik.



According to the above information, he was 17 when the British Empire left the Indian subcontinent breaking it into two parts, India and Pakistan, in 1947. After the two new countries came into existence, the two other leaders of the subcontinent, Gandhi and Jinnah, enjoyed leading their nations into a new path, while Bacha Khan was destined to continue his struggle, now against the Pakistani rulers. Though most of the Pashtuns were muslims, Pakistan never treated them as its citizens despite the fact that the country was created under the name of Islam. Thus, Bacha Khan had to start a new non-violent struggle for his people’s rights within Pakistan for which he was put into prison for the rest of his life, and the new oppressors not only aggressively massacred and looted his people, but also tried in a shameless way to rob them of their beloved language, Pashto or Pashtu.

The young Qalandar was a witness to all of this. He was a big fan, and later a close aide, of Bacha Khan. The Fakhr-e-Afghan has mentioned him in his autobiography, Zama Zhond aw Jeddojehad (My Life and Struggle). He was a poet by nature, and, according to his teachers at Islamia College of Peshawar, had a special flair for literary and research pursuits from his early age. He belonged to a well-known family of poets, writers, and intellectual persons, and had the company of other eminent Pashto poets and writes of his time such as Amir Hamza Shinwari, Ghani Khan, Ajmal Khattak, Mia Taqweemul Haq Kakakhel, Dost Mohammad Khan Kamil Momand, and others.

From his early student life, he was a political activist, a poetry gatherings organizer, a social worker, an intellectual writer, a revolutionary figure, and a distinguished and well-respected personality among his friends and the literary circles. After getting his Master of Arts in English literature and LLB degrees from the University of Peshawar with distinction, he started his practical life as an employee in the Agriculture Department but then left this job and joined a private construction company.

A nationalist to the backbone, and an iconoclast of the established literary traditions, Qalandar Momand soon became a central figure among the political and literary circles across Pakistan. As a writer and journalist, during his career as editor with many English, Urdu and Pashto newspapers and magazines, he openly criticized the then government’s policies and opposed the dictatorship of Ayub Khan; as a political activist, he actively took part in every effort that led people to stand against the oppressors and their policies; as a literary critic, he was the most active member of the historical Wolasi Adabi Jirga (The People’s Literary Association), which held weekly meetings and discussed literary trends; and as a researcher, his works and studies opened ways to new discussions that proved to be very useful for the Pashto literature on the whole.

As always happens, his achievements and popularity earned him several good friends and scores of enemies. His political stand and commitment, and literary ideas made his life difficult and miserable, but he never compromised on them. He was put in prison and tortured for his political views by the regime of the time. In one of his poems, he said:

‘Che pa Khoshal pa Ranthambor ke washwe

Hagha kane pa maa Lahore ke washwe.’

(The brutality that Khushal Khan Khattak (1613-1689) had endured in Ranthambor (in India, in the hand of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir (1658-1707), I had to face it in Lahore).

According to accounts told by the political prisoners of the time after they were released, they were tortured in such a violent way that many of the helpless prisoners died there. A painful and detailed, and vividly told, account of those tortures can be read in a book named Da Za Pagal Wom? (Was I Mad?), written by renowned nationalist politician and progressive writer Ajmal Khattak.

Gajrey (Anklets) (published in 1957) was his first and only collection of short stories and the first major work that was widely admired and believed to be the first work of fiction written in accordance with all the standards of the modern short story. This book received an enthusiastic welcome from the Pashto fiction lovers and critics and inspired many young short story writers. In 1976 was published his first collection of poems, Sabawoon (The Dawn), while he was still behind the bars. The poetry of this book brought him to stand side by side with the three most celebrated modern Pashto poets: Amir Hamza Shinwari, Ghani Khan, and Ajmal Khattak.

Pata Khazana Pil Meezan (The Hidden Treasure in the Balance) (published in 1988) was another of his major works which provoked an endless and sometimes unpleasant discussion about a famous Pashto anthology of ancient works named Pata Khazana (The Hidden Treasure). In his critical work, Qalandar Momand has thoroughly analyzed the content, the background information, the language, the terms, the dates, etc. of the Pata Khazana and concluded that the book was not written or compiled in 1729 by Shah Hussain Hotak in Kandahar as claimed by its discoverer Abdul Hay Habibi, but was fabricated by Habibi himself. Before him, renowned Iranologists Lucia Serena Loi and David Neil MacKenzie, and few Iranian scholars had questioned the genuineness of the manuscript (the original manuscript is not available to the public and nobody knows about its whereabouts), but he was the first notable Pashtun scholar who, by asking undeniable questions and declaring it a forgery, totally rejected the book, thus causing a great controversy. At least ten books and hundreds of articles have been so far written in favor and against Qalandar Momand in this discussion.

His other works include: (1) A Critical Study of Khairul Bayan; (2) Nazmiyat (poems); (3) Translation of the Chapter on Criticism from Introduction to the Study of English Literature by William Henry Hudson (1922-1968); (4) Daryab (Pashto dictionary); (5) Da Rahman Baba Kuliyat (compilation of all the poems of the mystic poet Rahman Baba); (6) Da Muhammadi Sahibzada Diwan (compilation of all the poems of Pashto poet Muhammadi Sahibzada); (7) Critical Study of Two Books of Munshi Ahmad Jan: Hagha Dagha (This and That) and Da Qissa Khwani Gup (Gossip of Qissa Khwani); (8) Translation of Macbeth by William Shakespeare; (9) Rannayee (The Light) (second collection of poems, published posthumously); (10) Meezan (The Balance) (an anthology of articles, published posthumously); and many more.

At least six books have been so far written about the life and works of Qalandar Momand, including a PhD. thesis by Dr. Zubair Hasrat from the University of Peshawar. Many renowned contemporary writers and poets of the Pashto and Urdu languages have praised his genius and contributions. Ghani Khan has written a very moving poem to him which is included in Latoon (The Search, collection of poems). Ayaz Daudzai has described him as a man of high caliber; a scholar of Pashto, Urdu, English, Persian, Arabic, Hindi, Hindko, and other languages; and a man from whom you could learn any thing.

Qalandar Momand was Ahmadi (follower of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani) by faith. According to his close friends, he had never discussed his religious beliefs with any of his literary friends or followers. Because he was a learned scholar, an articulate speaker, a literary genius, had an impressive personality and was firm in his ideas, no one was able to defeat him on the ground of knowledge. Yet, his religious thoughts proved to be his Achilles’ heel. On the one side he was born Ahmadi in a society where people, particularly Ahmadis, could be just killed for their religious thoughts, on the other side, he was a man of undefeatable knowledge and unwavering firmness.

Consequently, when his opponents failed to defeat him on the ground of knowledge, they attacked his religious beliefs in a very shameless manner. A man from the Rahman Baba Mausoleum printed a fatwa-type booklet in which he and his friends and followers were declared to be ‘infidels’ (Qalandar loved Rahman Baba and had written several in-depth research studies about his life and works). Still, when they were not able to budge him an inch from his political and literary stand, they called him Iranian agent and, by saying that he was receiving funds from Iran, tried to defame his character.

The charlatan bigots continued to use these deplorable tactics even after his death. Immediately after his demise, The Pashto Academy of The University of Peshawar and the prestigious Pashto Adabi Board announced that they will dedicate next issues of their quarterly magazines, ‘Pashto’ and ‘Tatara’ respectively, to the life and works of Qalandar Momand and will publish them as the Special Issues. The religious bigots, supported by the then Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (a religious alliance) government in the province, threatened the Academy and the Board of untoward consequences if the Issues were ever published. As a result, both the institutions tacitly backed away from their decision and the issues got never published.

Qalandar Momand will be long remembered for his global thinking for peace, political activism, thought-provoking criticisms, literary works, poetry and short stories. To train young writers and researchers, he had established Da Sahu Likonkyo Maraka (Forum for Active Writers) in 1962, which still holds its weekly meetings on a regular basis in Peshawar. This Forum has trained many people who are now well-known in the world of Pashto literature.

He served his people and contributed to Pashto literature till his last breath, fulfilling his promise:

‘Gulistan ka me pa weeno taza kegi

Har azghai de ham zama pa zrah ke mat shi.’

(If my blood is of any good to keep the garden of love and peace blooming, I invite every thorn to prick into my heart.)

Babrak Karmal

Babrak Karmal Facts


A leading Afghan Marxist, Babrak Karmal (1929-1996) became Russian puppet ruler of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan after the Russian invasion in December 1979 until his resignation "because of ill health" on May 4, 1986.

Babrak Karmal (roughly translated "labor-loving little tiger") was born into a wealthy Afghan family near Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, January 6, 1929. His father, Maj. Gen. Mohammad Hussain, was a friend of the royal family, especially of Gen. Mohammad Daoud (prime minister 1953-1963; 1973-1978), cousin and brother-in-law of King Mohammad Zahir.

Karmal's ethnic background is rather hazy, as was common among those born in or near Kabul. He claimed to be Pushtun (the dominant ethnic group in Afghanistan). Most evidence, however, linked him to a Tajik or Qizilbash, Persian-speaking background. Ethnic origin was still important in the Afghan political system, even in the Marxist, Russian-dominated regime.

In 1948, Karmal graduated from the German language-oriented Nejat (also called Amani) High School, but was initially refused admission to Kabul University because of his outspoken leftist views. He was always a charismatic speaker and became involved in the student union and the Wikh-i-Zalmayan (Awakened Youth) Movement, which, along with other ethnically-oriented intellectual organizations, wanted to liberalize and permit broader participation in the political process.
Marxist Training

Admitted to the faculty of law and political science in 1951 after he promised to refrain from political involvement, Karmal nevertheless continued his leftist activities. When General Daoud seized power in 1953, he imprisoned most of the leftist hierarchy, and Karmal spent more than two years in prison. Mir Akbar Khyber, a cellmate of Karmal's, probably Afghanistan's best Marxist ideologue, gave Karmal the benefit of his learning. Prior to his incarceration, Karmal's exposure to Marxism had been haphazard.

Released from prison in 1956, Karmal worked in the Ministry of Education as a German and English translator, but was conscripted in 1957 for his two years of obligatory military service. After that, Karmal completed his education in the faculty of law and political sciences and returned to the Ministry of Education. Then, he moved to the Ministry of Planning in 1961.

Prime Minister Daoud resigned (under pressure) in 1963, and a constitutional experiment in monarchy began. Karmal resigned from the government in 1964 and from then on actively engaged in politics.
Start in Politics

Karmal became a frequent visitor to the Russian embassy, as did some other Marxist Afghan intellectuals. Most, including Karmal, were probably more nationalist and anti-royalist than pro-Russian. Also, Karmal was able to obtain medical treatment for his followers at the Russian embassy's dispensary. In addition, Karmal and Anahita Ratebzad (Karmal's mistress) held numerous soirées for young teachers and administrators who had come to the capital for training or reassignment. These parties included drinking and mixed dancing, anathema to conservative Muslims, but Karmal was busily developing a cadre loyal to his person.

Tacitly tolerated by the 1964 constitution, several political parties were launched, including the leftist-oriented People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), which was founded on January 1, 1965. Key among those elected to the central committee was Karmal. But from the very beginning a split began to develop. One group, Khalq (The Masses), emphasized the class struggle of classic Marxism. The other, to be called Parcham (The Banner) after the 1967 split, led by Karmal, wanted to create a united front of all anti-royalist groups.

The first elections under the 1964 constitution which were held the following year witnessed the election of three PDPA members to the lower house of parliament (Wolesi Jirqah): Nur Mohammad Nur, Anahita, and Karmal. The Wolesi Jirqah had 216 members, but the articulate PDPA members had impact far greater than their numbers would indicate.

Karmal's Parcham was largely responsible for confrontations with the authorities, which occurred during the first parliamentary sessions. Ultimately these led to the death of three Afghans and scores of wounded when troops fired into the demonstrators on October 25, 1965.

As the parliament shuffled along toward its inevitable failure, Karmal continued to maintain close contacts with the Russian embassy, recruit cadre, and meet with certain members of the royal family, especially ex-prime minister Daoud. Because of Karmal's easy access to royalty, many Afghans referred to Parcham as the "Royal Afghan Communist Party."

The 1969 elections saw only two PDPA leftists sent to the lower house: Karmal and Hafizullah Amin, an American-schooled educator. The period 1969-1973 witnessed a rapid deterioration of the parliamentary system as the Wolesi Jirqah emphasized investigations of corruption over positive legislative action.

Other forces were at play as well. Former Prime Minister Daoud, convinced that the constitutional experiment had failed, bided his time. Leftists and moderate socialists clustered about his person, and a coup was executed on July 17, 1973. Parcham, both military and civilian, participated, and Karmal openly boasted that he had brought Daoud back to power.

Daoud founded the Republic of Afghanistan and immediately began to defend his Parcham support. He dismissed some and sent others to the countryside, where they became disillusioned when they could make no impact on the local power elites. The prime minister introduced a liberalized constitution in February 1977, but many were disappointed in his regime.

In July, the two sections of the PDPA remarried after a ten year divorce, with the express purpose to oppose the Daoud regime. But it was a troubled union. Active Russian involvement in the reunion was still a question.
After 1978 Coup

A series of accidents led to an April 27-28, 1978, coup, and additional mishaps determined its outcome. The murder of Mir Akbar Khyber triggered a massive demonstration and led to the arrest of the Marxist leadership. Incidentally, Khyber was probably assassinated by the Khalq leadership. A 24-hour coup launched by Marxists in the military succeeded, and Daoud and most of his family died in the fighting.

The first cabinet of the new Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) acknowledged the following triumvirate: Nur Mohammad Taraki, prime minister, president of the Revolutionary Council, general secretary of the PDPA; first deputy prime minister, Karmal; and Amin, deputy prime minister and foreign minister. A struggle for power began immediately. Karmal tried unsuccessfully to elicit support from the military, but the key officers remained loyal to Taraki and Khalq.

To protect itself, the Revolutionary Council exiled Karmal and most of the Parcham leadership to ambassadorships: Karmal was sent to Prague; Anahita to Belgrade; Nur to Washington.

But the Khalq leadership was not through with Karmal and Parcham. In late August 1978, the regime arrested a number of military officers and other professionals and charged them with plotting to overthrow the government. Those arrested confessed under torture and implicated Karmal and his followers. Karmal and the other Parcham ambassadors were ordered home, but under the circumstances they chose to remain in eastern Europe and Russia.

Meanwhile, the Khalq DRA announced a number of reform programs, which alienated virtually every segment of Afghan society. The reforms plus widespread brutal repression led to anti-DRA revolts in all of Afghanistan's 29 provinces. By fall 1979, it was obvious that the DRA would collapse under insurgent attacks unless the Russian military directly intervened. On Christmas Eve 1979 the invasion began. Russian troops killed Amin and Taraki.
Puppet Prime Minister

Karmal arrived in Kabul after Russian tanks had restored order. But the countryside, only partly involved before the Russian invasion, exploded into resistance. In spite of this, Karmal, now prime minister, president of the Politboro, and general secretary of the PDPA, thought he could put together a coalition government acceptable to all. He released the surviving political prisoners, which included a number of former cabinet members. Karmal asked them to help him form a new government. Most pleaded for time to recover from their experiences in prison, as all had been tortured. Those who could manage fled to Pakistan, India, Iran, and ultimately Western Europe or the United States.

Karmal's famed charisma had failed him, for few Afghans wanted to work with the puppet of a foreign power. Afghans quickly dubbed Karmal as "Shah Shuja the Second," a reference to an Afghan puppet of the British in the 19th century (1839-1842).

The DRA announced a number of reforms, which could not be implemented because of the war. So Karmal (and the world) watched the following patterns unfold. The first direct Russian military aggression since World War II on an independent, nonaligned nation led to the creation of one of the world's largest refugee problems. About a third of Afghanistan's population had fled the country by the end of 1985. In addition, increasingly effective guerrilla operations, both rural and urban, with little assistance from the outside world, underlined the fact that the Russians had been fighting in Afghanistan longer than they fought in World War II.

Additional evidence of Russian troubles in Afghanistan came with Karmal's resignation on May 4, 1986. He was replaced by Najibullah, the former head of the Afghan secret police, Khad.

Karmal's deposition and rise to power parallel the rise and fall of the Russian occupation of Afghanistan. After he was disposed, Karmal was exiled to Russia where he stayed until 1991 when he returned home. Karmal was in Moscow when he died from liver cancer in late 1996.
Further Reading on Babrak Karmal

For the period and the man, see the following: Louis Dupree, Afghanistan (1980), and Red Flag over the Hindu Kush, American Universities Field Staff Reports, Asia Series, Nos. 44, 45, 46 (1979) and Nos. 23, 27, 28, 29, 37 (1980); Anthony Arnold, Afghanistan's Two-Party Communism, Parcham and Khalq (1983). A good contemporary account is Henry Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Russian Union (1983).

For additional information see Karmal's obituary in Time (December 16, 1996) and "An Ox Annoyed," Economist (July 27, 1991).

Saturday, 29 June 2013

Beutiful Chitral Gallery and short History


History of chitral 

Short History of ChitralThe Early history of Chitral is shrouded in mystery.This mountainous country which was first referred to as Kohistan or land of the mountains was said to be inhabited by a race called "Khows" speaking a separate language Khowar, or language of the Khows. Some people say that it was Khowistan - the abode of the Khows. Separate parts of the country came to be called Torkhow - Upper Khow, Mulkhow - Lower Khow, names which persist to the present day. An early Sanskrit inscription at a village called Barenis (27 miles away from Chitral) of about AD 900 records that the country was Buddhist, under King Jaipal of Kabul. It is believed that Upper Chitral was under Buddhist influence in the past and even today there are a few rocks in Torkhow area known as "Kalandar-i-Bohtni" (Mendicant of Stone). It is a figure of a stupa; the upper part of which has been cut into the figure of Buddha and may be of Chinese origin. No records of this period exist.Marco Polo, who passed through the Pamirs, referred to the country as Bolor. History relates that first a Chinese army and then an Arab (Mongols?) army invaded Chitral from the north by the Broghal pass when the upper part of the country is said to have been converted to Islam. The southern district remained non-Muslim till very late and were then converted to Islam. A Mongol tribe called Yarkhuns invaded Chitral via the Broghal pass and may have given their name to the Yarkun valley. They were opposed by Somalek, leader of the Khows. Another incursion is attributed to Changez Khan and his Tartars.Chitral nevertheless has remained an independent state for centuries with its own culture and language. In the late nineteenth century it became part of British India. It was a princely state in 1947, which acceded to Pakistan in that year. The rule of the Mehtar came to an end in 1954 and power was henceforth exercised by the political agent posted at Chitral. The state was merged into Pakistan in 1969. The recorded history of Chitral is divided into six epochs as follows:Iranian ruleThe Achemeanian Empire of Persia was extended to these regions during 400 BC. Its more than two thousand years since this empire receded but its supremacy was so strongly established that many Persian cultural traits are still in practice in Northern Areas as well as few parts of Chitral. In some valleys surrounding Chitral such as Wakhan, Shaghnan, and upper parts of Chitral people speak Persian language. Even Khowar, which is the native language of the local people (Khow), contains much borrowing from Persian.Zoroastrianism, an Old Persian religion, has also left behind some of its traces in this area. Traditions also tell about leaving of dead bodies unburied in caves in the wilderness or in the hollow of trees. Such practices were specific in this religion. A festival on 21st March (Nouroz) the first day in Persian calendar still prevails in Chitral. It is celebrated in few valleys every year. (Israr Chitral A historical sketchKushan ruleThe Kushan dynasty established its rule in this area in 200 AD. In the second century Kanishka the most powerful emperor of Kushan dynasty had extended his rule all over Northern India, probably as far as south Vindyas and all over the remote region up to Khotan beyond the Pamir pass. Chinese ruleThe Chinese extended their influence in the 4th century AD and remained in power until the 8th century. The rock inscription of Pakhtoridini near Maroi refers to Chinese rule. Another inscription in Barenis refers to the Kushans. According to Sir Aurel Stien, the inscription says that Jivarman ordered to make the pertinent drawing of a stupa. Such rock carvings have created confusion for writers like Buddulph and many others to believe that Chitral formed part of the last Hindu Shahi ruler of Kabul. It's also believed that the northern parts had embraced Islam by the end of 9th century when Arabs defeated Bahman, chief of the country. By the time of withdrawal of Arabs many people had accepted Islam. (Souvenir, 2nd Hindukush Cultural Conference, p.19-21)Kalash rule In the 11th century AD southern Chitral was invaded by the Kalash from Afghanistan, who occupied the country as far to the North as Barenis village, while the upper parts were under another chief Sumalik. some Kalash Chiefs Rojawai, such as Nagar Shah and Bala sing ruled Southern Chitral from 11th to 13th centuries A.D.Rais ruleIn the beginning of 11th century Shah Nadir Rais occupied southern Chitral and defeated the Kalash. Shah Nadir Rais extended his dominion from Gilgit to the present southern boundaries of Chitral. Rais family ruled over Chitral for about three hundred years when Katura family succeeded them.During the Rais rule in Chitral its boundaries extended from Narsut in the extreme south of the state to Gilgit in the east. The rulers had an effective council of chiefs of the local tribes to run the affairs of the country. The ruler of this family also worked for the dissemination of the teachings of Islam in the state.There were no regular state forces to defend the state frontiers so the local headmen and chiefs called all the persons of their tribes to fight for the state under the collective defense system. The Mehtar (ruler) had friendly relations with the rulers of surrounding countries. (Baig, Hindu Kush study series vol. two)Katur ruleThe Katur succeeded the Rais dynasty in 1595. Muhtaram Shah I was the founder of Kature rule in Chitral, whose descendants ruled over Chitral until 1969 when the State was merged as a district of NWFP.During the rule of Amirul Mulk in 1895, Umra Khan the chief of Jandool crossed the Lawari pass and invaded lower Chitral. As a result, there was fierce fighting in which the Mehtar of Chitral and British officers were besieged in Chitral fort for 42 days. Troops from Gilgit and Nowshera came to the rescue of the besieged fort and the British rule was extended over entire Chitral in April 1895. Shuja ul Mulk emerged as the ruler after the war who ruled for 42 years until 1936.During the Pakistan movement there was a campaign in Chitral in favor of independence. The people backed all India Muslim League and Mehtar Muzafarul Mulk openly declared his backing to the Pakistan movement. In May 1947 H.H. Muzafarul Mulk informed the Viceroy about his intention to join the new state of Pakistan. The accession instrument was signed on November 7, 1947. 










































Noor Mohammad Tarakai


Noor Mohammad Taraki
By Afghanland.com: Taraki, Noor Mohammad
born July 15, 1917, Ghazni province, Afghanistan
died October 9?, 1979, Kabul


Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979.

Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the U.S. embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party's deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People's (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party's general secretary.

The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People's faction of the PDPA. In March 1979 Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979 Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki's attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.

Nazo Ana afghanistan


Nazo Tokhi, known mostly as Nazo Ana or Nazoo Anaa (Pashto: نازو انا‎; 1651 – 1717) was a prominent Pashtun female poet and a literary figure of the Pashto language.[1] Mother of the famous early-18th century Afghan King Mir Wais, she grew up in an influential family in the Kandahar region.[2] Nazo Tokhi is remembered as a brave woman warrior in the history of Afghanistan, who eventually became the legendary "Mother of Afghan Nation".[3][4]Contents [hide]
1 Early life and family background
1.1 Poetry
1.2 Special dream
1.3 Death
2 Nazoicikis
3 See also
4 References
5 External links

Early life and family background[edit]

Nazo Tokhi was born in or about 1651 in Spogmayiz Gul near Thazi, Kandahar Province of Afghanistan, into a powerful and wealthy Pashtun family. Her father, Sultan Malakhai Tokhi, was a prominent head of the Tokhi Pashtun tribe and governor of the Ghazni region.[5] She was married to Salim Khan Hotak, son of Karam Khan.[4] The famous Afghan ruler of the Hotaki dynasty, Mir Wais Hotak, was her son, and Mahmud Hotaki and Hussein Hotaki were her grandsons.[6]

Nazo Anaa became a learned poet and courteous person, people knew her by her loving and caring. Nazo's father paid close attention to her education and upbringing. He induced training and full education from the learned personalities of the time in Kandahar. She eventually became the legendary "Mother of Afghan Nation", and gained authority through her poetry and upholding of the Pashtunwali code.[3] She called for Pashtunwali to be the law of the confederacy of the Pashtun tribes, and she arbitrated conflicts between Ghilzai and Sadozai Pashtun tribes so as to encourage their alliance against the Persian Safavid rulers. Her contribution as a poet is uniquely considered invaluable even today.
Poetry[edit]

Below is a piece of the poetry works of Nazo Tokhi.
"Dew drops from an early dawn narcissus

as if tear drops from a melancholy eye,

O beauty, I asked, what makes you cry

life is too short for me, it answered

My beauty blooms and withers in a moment

as if smile comes and forever fades away
"[7]
—Nazo Tokhi
Special dream[edit]

It is believed that Nazo Ana had a special dream on the night her son Mir Wais Hotak was born.“ On the night Mirwais was born (1673) his mother, Nazoo Anaa, dreamed of Baitt Neeka (an ancient and famous benevolent leader of Afghans, who is believed to be the second son "Batan" of Qais Abdur Rashid). He told Nazoo to take best care of the new baby because when the child grows up, the country would be blessed by his services. Nazoo Anaa, from time to time, recalled the miraculous dream to her son and advise him to perform deeds with authenticity. Young Mirwais eternally followed his mother's advice.[2] ”

Death[edit]

Nazo Ana died in or about 1717 at the approximate age of 66, two years after her son's (Mirwais') death. After Nazo Anaa's death, her cause was picked up by Zarghona Anaa, the mother of Afghan Emir Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Nazoicikis[edit]

Nazoicihis is revered as a female hero among the Afghans. There are a number of schools and other institutions named after her throughout Afghanistan.[8][9][10][11]

Nazo Ana afghanistan


Nazo Tokhi, known mostly as Nazo Ana or Nazoo Anaa (Pashto: نازو انا‎; 1651 – 1717) was a prominent Pashtun female poet and a literary figure of the Pashto language.[1] Mother of the famous early-18th century Afghan King Mir Wais, she grew up in an influential family in the Kandahar region.[2] Nazo Tokhi is remembered as a brave woman warrior in the history of Afghanistan, who eventually became the legendary "Mother of Afghan Nation".[3][4]Contents [hide]
1 Early life and family background
1.1 Poetry
1.2 Special dream
1.3 Death
2 Nazoicikis
3 See also
4 References
5 External links

Early life and family background[edit]

Nazo Tokhi was born in or about 1651 in Spogmayiz Gul near Thazi, Kandahar Province of Afghanistan, into a powerful and wealthy Pashtun family. Her father, Sultan Malakhai Tokhi, was a prominent head of the Tokhi Pashtun tribe and governor of the Ghazni region.[5] She was married to Salim Khan Hotak, son of Karam Khan.[4] The famous Afghan ruler of the Hotaki dynasty, Mir Wais Hotak, was her son, and Mahmud Hotaki and Hussein Hotaki were her grandsons.[6]

Nazo Anaa became a learned poet and courteous person, people knew her by her loving and caring. Nazo's father paid close attention to her education and upbringing. He induced training and full education from the learned personalities of the time in Kandahar. She eventually became the legendary "Mother of Afghan Nation", and gained authority through her poetry and upholding of the Pashtunwali code.[3] She called for Pashtunwali to be the law of the confederacy of the Pashtun tribes, and she arbitrated conflicts between Ghilzai and Sadozai Pashtun tribes so as to encourage their alliance against the Persian Safavid rulers. Her contribution as a poet is uniquely considered invaluable even today.
Poetry[edit]

Below is a piece of the poetry works of Nazo Tokhi.
"Dew drops from an early dawn narcissus

as if tear drops from a melancholy eye,

O beauty, I asked, what makes you cry

life is too short for me, it answered

My beauty blooms and withers in a moment

as if smile comes and forever fades away
"[7]
—Nazo Tokhi
Special dream[edit]

It is believed that Nazo Ana had a special dream on the night her son Mir Wais Hotak was born.“ On the night Mirwais was born (1673) his mother, Nazoo Anaa, dreamed of Baitt Neeka (an ancient and famous benevolent leader of Afghans, who is believed to be the second son "Batan" of Qais Abdur Rashid). He told Nazoo to take best care of the new baby because when the child grows up, the country would be blessed by his services. Nazoo Anaa, from time to time, recalled the miraculous dream to her son and advise him to perform deeds with authenticity. Young Mirwais eternally followed his mother's advice.[2] ”

Death[edit]

Nazo Ana died in or about 1717 at the approximate age of 66, two years after her son's (Mirwais') death. After Nazo Anaa's death, her cause was picked up by Zarghona Anaa, the mother of Afghan Emir Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Nazoicikis[edit]

Nazoicihis is revered as a female hero among the Afghans. There are a number of schools and other institutions named after her throughout Afghanistan.[8][9][10][11]